The practice of psychological autopsy began with the frustrations of a coroner. Wrightsman tells us that in 1958 in
To begin to think of a death as a potential suicide, there must be evidence that a wound could have been self-inflicted and there must be some way to determine whether the victim understood the consequences of what he or she was doing. In other words, what was the degree of lethal intent? That means compiling information about the person's last hours, days, weeks, and sometimes even years.
A close examination of the death scene may indicate degree of intent and lethality—a secluded place and the use of a gun indicating a higher degree than using slow-acting pills in a place where the victim is likely to be discovered. It may also be the case that people who knew the deceased have motives for concealing what may have happened, so the investigator needs to be proficient in deception detection as well. At times, the results will be clear, while at other times, the deceased's state of mind before death cannot be known with certainty.
The methods of writing a biography are not dissimilar, because the information gathered is generally quite personal. It's also similar to the victimology assessment of a behavioral profile. Some mental health professionals estimate that a comprehensive psychological autopsy takes 20 to 30 hours to develop, while others believe it takes much longer. The amount of time put in depends on the goal, and often on the funds available for it.
To put together a sense of the person's final days and hours, a psychologist might use any number (or all) of the following sources, with the awareness that anyone he or she interviews may contaminate as easily as facilitate the process:
To put together a description that will include:
The final result should be a fairly accurate sense of the victim's personality, habits and behavior patterns, specifically including any recent changes. Often the likely manner of death will emerge from these facts.
Aside from determining the manner of death, psychological autopsies may serve other purposes as well:
Is this kind of testimony always accepted in court, given the strict standards for scrutiny on behavioral science? Not always, but it has been increasingly visible, especially in appeals courts. Real problems with the lack of standards have been noted, such as in the case below, which was taken to a military court.
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In 1989, the FBI's Behavioral Science Unit was asked to examine an incident aboard the U.S.S. Iowa. An explosion had occurred in one of the gun turrets, causing the deaths of 47 sailors. The Navy suspected one man, Gunner's Mate Clayton Hartwig, who was among the dead. Special Agent Roy Hazelwood was among those involved in the analysis, and he writes about it in The Evil That Men Do. Describing his involvement as an equivocal death analysis, he based it on the Navy's stash of letters, journals and bank account balances associated with Hartwig, and interviews with his friends and family members. Hazelwood and his colleagues concluded that there was good evidence that Hartwig had acted intentionally, killing himself and the other men in a suicide-homicide. He alone was responsible.
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Then 14 psychologists were asked to review the matter, and they rejected the manner in which the agents (and Navy) had drawn their conclusion. No scientific methods were used and some of the claims made had little supporting evidence. While this panel did not reject the findings outright, they could not support the degree of confidence with which it was written. While they were not unanimous, only three felt the Navy's conclusions were appropriate.
That presents a problem for the courts, specifically because little research has been done to prove that a psychological autopsy is a reliable scientific method.
Nevertheless, a psychological autopsy can be useful for other purposes, and the most famous one on record took one psychologist several years to compile.




